Nat Shaffir was born in 1936 in Iasi, Romania. In 1942, Nat’s family was identified to the authorities as Jewish by a local Catholic priest and forced to leave their large dairy farm. They were forced into the Socola neighborhood of Iasi, where they lived in cramped conditions with other families. When Nat’s father was taken for forced labor, Nat, not yet 8 years old, was put in charge of taking care of the family. His father returned in 1945 and the family eventually immigrated to Israel.
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Welcome. Thank you for joining us for First
Person: Conversations with Holocaust Survivors.My name is Bill Benson. I have hosted the Museum's
First Person program since it began in 2000. Thankyou for joining us today. Through these monthly
conversations we bring you first-hand accountsof survival of the Holocaust. Each of our First
Person guests serves as a volunteer at the Museum.We are honored to have Holocaust survivor Nat Shaffir
share his personal account of the Holocaust with us.
Nat, welcome and thank you so much for agreeing
to be our First Person this month. Thank you.Nat: Thank you, Bill. I'm honored to be here and share with
you some of my personal experiences as towhat happened to me and my family during the
Holocaust.Bill: Nat, you have so much to share with us. We'll get started right away if you don't mind.
You were born in Romania in December 1936,
less than three years before the start of World
War II in September 1939. Please begin by tellingus about your family and your community in
the years leading up to the start of the war.Nat: Both my parents were born in small villages
in eastern part of Hungary which is callednow Transylvania. My mother was the oldest of 12
children and my father was the youngest of seven.In 1924, about a year after World War I ended, my
father and two of his older brothers decided toleave home and move to Romania where they settled
in a farm community named Bucium and they starteda dairy farm. Before long they were very successful
because, due to the fact that the biggest customerwas the Romanian Army. He was the youngest of the
three brothers. He was not married, the other twobrothers were already married. So he decided it's
time for him to get married at a certain point,and the most logical place to find a bride those
days was for someone to go back to a village onecame from. So in 1930 he went back to Hungary,
found a girl, married her about a week later.He stayed in that village for
approximately another eight daysand then they boarded a train, uh, to go back to
Bucium to the, to the farm. Before long,three children were born: two girls and a boy. My
older sister was married, was born in 1934.I was born in 1936 and my younger sister which
I still call my little sister was born in 1938.Bill: Tell us about this picture if you don't mind, Nat.
Nat: Here we have the picture of myself,
my sister, and my mother, and my aunt.My sister, my mother is above me, uh, looks like I
was about two years old there. My mother and hersister that was her next in line from the sister
she was the, the, uh, one year younger than mysister was. Must have come to visit us at the farm.
And then below that is my younger sister, Sarah. Soshe's in front of my Aunt Channah which by the way,
uh, perished in Auschwitz. What happened to her wasthat she actually could have survived, but when
she came off from a train, from the cattle cars,she saw a little baby sitting on the ground crying.
And she picked them up and she hold them in herarms, and the Nazis thought that this was
her child, and she was moved from one section ofthe selection process to the other and she was
immediately put to death, uh, in the gas chamber.Bill: Thank you for sharing that with us, Nat.
Um, your other sister Lily, um, I believewas born in what 1938?
Nat: Yes.
Bill: Yeah.
Nat, your, your
brother, your father and his two brothers operated this dairy farm. Tell us more about the farm.Nat: Uh, it was a big farm a little bit, little bit grown and, uh, it was in a, probably they were the largest farm in that area at that point.
And my mother, my father was able to secure the Romanian Army as a, as a customer.
Now each individual brother dealt with a different portion of the
operation of the farm.The older brothers dealt primarily with the milk production
and the cheese and the butter production.My father was pretty much like the salesperson.
So all in all they, they were very successful.Bill: And tell us more about the community of Bucium
itself, where your farm was located and, andwhat was your parents' relationship like with, um,
Christian neighbors in that particular community?Nat: Uh, the community in general was a small community
for about approximately 100 to 125 families. There wereapproximately 25 Jewish families in that community.
My father dealt with the Gentile farmers the sameway as he dealt with the Jewish farmers. He
helped many of them anytime they needed help,usually in droughts he always helped them with
some either money or giving them seed for next year's crop.So the, the relationship was very, very good. Um, they,
they constantly, they knew that they could alwayscount on the Spitzer brothers.
So my father
always went out of his way to help anybody that needed help.Bill: And if you don't mind, just tell us
a little bit more about your family at the time.Were you a religious family?
Nat: Yeah, we were
religious as you can see, and from my fatherwearing a black hat and having a beard. My mother
wearing a, what they called a sheitel, or wig,because usually religious women do not show
their own hair. And obviously myself having a cap.So yes, we were religious. There was a synagogue
there, and we practiced religion as wenormally would. Especially on those little
villages from where they came from, religionwas very important to them and they continued
that in that farm and Bucium farm area.Bill: In 1940, Nat, a new Romanian dictatorship introduced
antisemitic policies restricting Jewish life inRomania. The country aligned itself with Nazi Germany, joining the Axis Powers in November 1940.
Please tell us how this impacted Jewish life in Romania.
Nat: There were terrible things going on in Romania at certain times of the year.
Uh, the thing is, well, during the, during that period of time in a small village like Bucium we did not feel that problematic.
We did not feel that antisemitism. Uh, so we were able to continue operating the farm also because my father
was dealing with top echelon officers in the
Romanian Army, they pretty much put out the word:stay away or stay off the Spitzer farm.
Leave them alone, let them operate.Now that went on for a while and then after that, it was done.
They were completely open.Bill: In fact in July 1941, Romanian authorities staged a pogrom which was a violent attack against the Jewish population,
in the nearby city of Iasi close to Bucium. Can you tell us more about this particular pogrom that took place in Iasi?
Nat: There were two instances. One was in June of 1941, uh,
where people were actually stopped on the streets.
And as you can see in here they've been searched,taken away whatever valuables they had. Either they had watches or money with them,
and then later on probably clubbed to death. As you can see in here on the right-hand side,
there's three individual soldiers. Really the
middle one is not really a soldier, he's kind ofmake-believe a soldier. He's in civilian
clothes with a cap of a soldier's with abig stick. And a lot of people died on that
day. But 10,000 people were killed by neighborsstrictly for the purpose of because they were
Jews and also to take away whatever propertyvalue they have. So that's pretty much what we
see in that picture is that people stopped onthe street and eventually probably most of
these people that were stopped at this day were killed.Bill: And Nat, of course our next picture
is a particularly significant one. Please tell us about this.Nat: This happened in July of 1941. It's
important to remember that the weather in Romaniais very cold in the winter and very hot in the
summer. So this happened in July of 1941 wherea trainload of Jews were loaded in Iasi and
were ferried to Calarasi to the south of Romaniafor three days back and forth. Once it
arrived back after three days withoutfood or water in these cattle cars, uh, most
of the people in these trains were dead.Bill: Did you, do you know if your family knew about what had taken place in Iasi at the time
because they were at the farm in Bucium?
Nat: We heard a little bit that was going on about the pogrom but we didn't know to what extent.
News were coming in very, kinda, I would say very slow. Uh, people that went into Iasi going to the market
would come back with some news or some rumors so we knew certain things, uh, are being done against Jews,
but we didn't know to what extent until later on we found out all these pogroms that happened and all these Jews that were
killed by neighbors, or by the, by the government.
Bill: Yeah.
And while that was happening in other parts of Romania and nearby in Iasi, were your fam, was your family
able to continue to operate the farm and do the business that they had been doing at that time?
Nat: They were doing the
business as long the same way. They did not go to Iasi downthere often anymore actually probably after, after July 1941
I don't think my father ever went back to Iasi. He probably would send somebody, one of the, uh, farm helps
to do, to buy feed or do whatever it needed to do with the farm.
So he didn't go back there so that was, that wasone of the things that we continued to operate the
farm, but we did not go back to Iasi at that point.Nat before we go on,
uh, tell us a little bit about, you're a
little boy, what was farm life like for you?Nat: Living on a farm or growing up on a farm was
terrific. I mean it's a, it's, it was a, it's aopen fields, animals. It was actually a
fantastic feeling. It was a primitive life, butit was a good life. Most of the time I'd like
to hang out with the farm help, they taught meall kinds of things. At age five they taught
me how to milk a cow, to ride a horse whichusually doesn't happen to city boys, city kids. So
life on that, in that farm for me was great.I had some chores that I had to do but nonetheless was pleasant to do that. So for me it was a
great feeling to grow up on that farm. And I still
have farming, uh, things in my blood.I still do a lot of gardening at this point as well.
Bill: Oh, in fact, if we had the time I would want to the audience to know about
your amazing green thumb that continues to this day.
Nat, in the fall of 1942, Jewish families from your community
from Bucium
were abruptly forced from their homes and told tomove to Socola, a neighborhood in Iasi. Tell us what
happened to you and your family when that happened.Nat: One of our neighbors was the priest of the town.
That priest used to come by once a week to thehouse and ask my father for a donation for the
church and also some dairy products for some ofhis congregants who could not otherwise afford it.
By the time he, that happened my father was alreadythere for about 18 years. Never once in these
Until one day things have changed. The same
priest came by but this time he came with aarmed police officers and two armed soldiers.
This never happened before so we didn't knowwhy this whole group came together. We all came out
of the house and we went over to greet him. When wecame close to the group, the priest pointing at
us and looking at the police officer and he said,"Astia Jidans (These are Jews)." Now we were turned into
the authorities for being Jewish by a priest,the same priest who asked and received
help from my father every week for 18 years.The police officer told us we have four hours to
vacate the farm because he has orders for us tobe relocated. My mother both, my father both tried
to convince the police officer perhaps they canlet us stay. My father told them, "Look, I've known
you since you were a child, I know your family."My mother told them, "Look, this is our home, our
children were born here. Can't you just let us stay?"And obviously he did not. So after four hours
what do you, what do you take? You have a house,things that you managed to have. What do you take
in four hours? So the first thing we took,we took whatever cash we have in the house, my
mother's jewelry. We took some prayer books, prayer bibles.Bill: And this is one of them, right?
Nat: This is one of them. This is actually a haggada,
which we read on Passover time. And we also took
some candlesticks that my mother lit candles everyFriday night and every holiday. It's an important
story about these candlesticks. These candlestickswere made in 1745 and was actually
given to my great-great-great grandmotherand she in return passed around to her older
daughter, and the older daughter passed it onto the next older daughter so, and eventually got
to my mother, which she was the fifth generation,and usually they always gave it to the older
daughter. And my mother broke that, uh, mold andshe gave it, these candlelight, candle sticks, to my,
to my wife which is her, uh, daughter-in-law. And mywife in return gave those to my younger
daughter as a gift, as a wedding present.And she is the one that actually keeps
it now, and she lights candles over them.So these candle sticks are now seventh-generation
in the Spitzer family or they have whatever other,uh, last names they have.
Bill: And as you noted,
they are almost 300 years old.Nat: Yeah.
Bill: Yeah.
Nat, um, so you had four hours to gather whatever
you could take with you in that four-hour period.How did you journey, how did you gather things and
take them with you to Socola, and what was thatjourney like to this new community, new place that
you were being forced to go?Nat: Well, when we heard the news that we have to vacate and, and relocate, we pretty much at that point knew where we were
going. So in addition to all the valuable things, we
also took important things that we needed: pillows,blankets, cooking utensils, eating utensils. And
after the four hours were over, we were escortedto the ghetto area that was developed in July
of 1941 right after the pogroms. Um, so oncewe arrived there, uh, we were turned over to the
authorities.Bill: Nat, if I can interrupt for just a second. Do you remember what that trip, that four-hour
period in that trip, was like for your parents?
Nat: Yeah, it was very sad. My mother was crying. The
uncertainty, we didn't know exactly what to expect.That pretty much interpreted to us as
children we didn't know either. We saw my mothercrying, we knew we're not going to a happy place.
So things were pretty, pretty awful at thatpoint. It took about three hours to get from Bucium
to Iasi, and that was, that was one of the, theworst times for us anyway at that point these
three hours. But terrible, uh, feelings about it.Bill: So what did you, what did you arrive to in Socola?
What was, what were the conditions like for you?Nat: Well when we arrived there we were turned over to the
authorities, uh, where our names, ages, and genderwere taken down on the list. We were given a
yellow star that we had to wear on our chestat all times. We were given ration cards for bread
and for kerosene. As a living quarters we weregiven one room in a house that already housed
four other families, so there was approximatelyhouse. Terrible, noisy, there was a lot of chaos
in us when we arrived because on that day, a
lot of Jews were rounded up from the vicinityfrom the small towns from the small villages of
Iasi and brought into the Socola area.In addition to doing all these things, number one:
we were told what we can and cannot do.Obviously, we were no longer allowed to go to school. We
were told that religion practices is outlawed.Each individual person was given a job,
a manual job to do while they're there.So things, things were very, a lot of it was
a chaos going on. People were crying, childrenwere screaming, so we didn't know what was going
on. So there was such a terrible feeling about it.Bill: Once, once you were relocated and living in
that single room with 28 other people in thesmall house, what was, what was daily life
like for you and your family in Socola?You know, how did your parents manage to get the basic
necessities of life like food, clothing, and heat?Nat: Well clothing, whatever we brought with us pretty
much last us for the entire period of time.Once they tore, my mother was sewing them up and
keep wearing them. As far as food, we receivedrations for bread. The ration card called for a
quarter of a loaf of bread per person every two daysand five liters of kerosene once a week that was
used for primarily for heating and for cooking.To receive these rations, the
bread rations in particular,one had to walk out of the ghetto area to line up
at the bakery. To do so, my mother, my father toldmy older sister, who was two years older than me, to
go out and get the bread rations. So she'd line upand receive the rations and come back. One day my
father found out that there were some hooliganspicking on Jewish girls and he was afraid
that something would happen to my sister.So from that day on he sent me out
to get the rations. The same hooligansthat picked on Jewish girls also picked on Jewish boys.
Bill: Right.
Nat: Many times I would come home
all bloody-faced, beaten up. But that didn't hurt as
much as when these hooligans also stole my breadwhich meant for the next two days, we had nothing
to eat. Until my mother realized that this couldhappen again, so from that point on she started
rationing us from our own rations. In other words,when we received the next ration of a loaf
and a quarter she removed one slice of bread.Two days later she removed another slice, we had
two slices. Until she accumulated an entire loaf of bread.And when these hooligans took my bread
again, at least we had something reserved to eat.Bill: Unimaginable. Here you are, I think six,
you know, maybe verging on seven years old.Your, your father and your, your, his
brothers had done business witha lot of people from the community and
particularly with non-Jews at that time.Did, did your parents receive any help from anyone
they knew once you were in the Socola ghetto?Nat: As I mentioned, every individual between the ages
of 18 to 50 was assigned a manual job. My mother'sjob was to, as an orderly at a hospital, to scrub
floors and clean toilets. My father's job was tosweep the streets of Iasi and also on Thursdays
to clean the market area. These farmerswould come and sell their products, as you can see
here, with horses and oxen. So his job on Thursdaywas to clean that market area. One day an old
farmer that my father helped a lot in the pastcame over to him and he said, "I'm really sorry
to see you, that you have to clean after my horse.Breaks my heart. Is there anything I can do for you?"
And my father said, "Some extra food will help a lot."So he went back and says, "I'm going to go back and
see what can be done." The next week when he cameback to the market area he told my father
that he spoke to a few farmers in Buciumand they're all willing to help. Keep in mind that
helping Jewish people at that time was against thelaw and they could have been punished very harshly.
So he told my father that they got together andthey decided to help us and he said, "Here's how
we're going to do that." He said, "All the farmersfrom the Bucium area get together in an open
field and leave at midnight in the caravanto go to the, to the Iasi market. That caravan passes
the outskirts of the ghetto between two and threeo'clock in the morning." He says, "Be at a certain
spot and look out for the last three wagons ofthat caravan, and then we'll throw something your
way because now we know where you're gonna behiding." Because he told them where to stay. The next
Thursday my father woke up, he didn't say a word tomy mother what he was planning to do. My mother was
the sensible person and she would have realizedthat he's taking a chance to go on out to meet these
farmers, because anybody caught outside the ghetto betweentwo and three o'clock in the morning only
meant that this individual is trying to flee thearea and would have been harshly punished
either by imprisoned or probably even shot.But he took the chance and go out to get
a little bit extra food for us to survive.So that morning when he came back, he watched
out for the three last wagons, and an individualthrew a sack his direction. He waited until they
left, he looked around to make sure there's nopolice around. He picked up that package and he
came back to the ghetto. That morning, he told uswhat happened. My mother was furious with him that
he actually took, took such a risk with his life.But when he opened the sack and he took out some
eggs and some cheese and some apples and they saw,my mother saw the smile on our faces she mellowed,
and she said, "Well, it actually was worth it forhim to go." And from that point on, he used to go
out and meet the farmer every Thursday morningand these farmers would always throw something
our way. And sometimes we would trade some of thestuff or some of the things that we got from the
farmers on the black market because there wasactive black market in the ghetto and so
we were trading one thing for the other andso on. So that took a long time, uh, until one
day in May of 1943 the caravan never stoppedand it kept going. So my father
realized there's something wrong.When he saw that farmer in the market again, the
farmer told him that he can no longer help usbecause there was individuals who told the police
that some of the farmers are helping Jewish people,and he was afraid for his family and he couldn't help us anymore. My father thanked him and he realized he
couldn't take a chance anymore, and that was the end of the extra, extra food that we got from the farmer.
Bill: And, and Nat it's important
to underscore what you said. That the risk, bothfor your father and your family, as well as
for those farmers, was great for doing that.Nat, you mentioned earlier that of course
practicing your religion was banned. You wereno longer allowed to do that. Did you still find
a way to practice your faith at all?Nat: Uh yes, we practiced our faith in secret. We were meeting sometimes in different rooms from different houses,
to make sure that the, if policemen
would follow us, we wouldn't, they wouldn't know wherewe had, where we hold our next meeting. Uh, but this
was, that was a problem for, for a lot, for a lot ofus to practice, to practice religion especially
in the high holidays in particular.Also was very important for us that we could no
longer go to school.Bill: Right.
Nat: And my mother was very much a fan of the children being educated.
So there was an old rabbi in the ghetto with his wife, and she
kind of hired him to teach us religious studies
and hired his wife to teach us secularstudies. And for that at least we got some, some
kind of education.You know we think of, you know, just a little boy
trying to have a normal life. What was it like for you as you recall?
Nat: Well first of all, this little boy no longer had a, a child, childhood. Childhood was taken away from me.
Things for what we did was pretty much try to do whatever we needed to do. Stay in line to get our bread rations,
stay in line to get our kerosene rations, and kind of be in a
mode, a survival mode, to survive one day at a time.Bill: And along those lines Nat, you, you have a really
important story to tell us about standing in linefor that kerosene ration. Tell us about that.
Nat: Uh, originally my father told me to get the kerosene rations and told my sister to get the bread rations because kerosene
was a little heavier to bring home. The kerosene rations was
for five liters of kerosene, which those who donot know the metric system, it's approximately 1.3
gallons that would have to last us for the entireweek. So to receive these rations we had to walk
out again outside the ghetto and line up earlyin the morning. And we started to line up after 5am. The attendant that gave us this, these rations,
used to come sometimes between seven and seven
thirty, and the way they distribute thatis, was like pretty much like today we have
this, uh, gasoline stations and a booth that theattendant would be in it. Uh, so he would, there was
a line in front of this booth and he wouldmotion five people from that line that lined
up to come forward. He would remove the ration,the ration coupons from that ration card, and pump
up the kerosene. The way it was done was not liketoday: you press a button and you get all the
gasoline. There was a handle in front of a boxand when you move the handle back and forth, that
would bring up the kerosene into a cylinder.When the cylinder was full this was the five gallons,
and then he would put it down and let it go,put it into a can. So one day when I was waiting
in line, I decided to approach this individual.His name was Gregory. I approached him and I
said, "Domino Gregory, I would like to help you."I specifically called him by the title
"Domino." "Domino" is really reserved for somebodyvery intelligent, a person with power, but he
was kind of uneducated and a lazy person.So I said to him, "Domino Gregory, I'd like to help you." And he's asking,
"How are you going to help me, you little Jidan?" You little Jew.
I said, "Well I see you might be sick. Perhaps you
let me do your work for you and for that, if itpleases you, give me a little bit of extra kerosene
because I have a little sister at home. She's sickand a little bit extra warmth will help us a lot."
He didn't say anything. The next week when he cameback, he looked around the line where we were all
lined up. When he saw me, he motioned for me to comeforward. I came forward and then he said to me, "Okay
little Jidan, let me see what you can do."And it was not a big deal for a seven-year-old to move that
handle back and forth. So I did remove, gave him thethe ration cards, he removed the coupons, and I
did the filling of the kerosene.And that day after the, my day was, job was over, he didn't
do, he didn't give me anything. But he told me,"Next time you don't have to wait in line but just
come to the booth and wait for me here."Which I did, and I did his service. I did his work, his job
that particular day. Didn't get anything in return.For three weeks he never gave me anything. Finally
he said to me, "Little Jidan, next week bring an extra can."And from that point on, he used to
give me an extra liter, a liter and a half.It depends how drunk he was. Sometimes he's giving me
twice so, which you know worked out okay for me.But then little by little we developed a little
friendship between Domino Gregory and myselfand sometimes when he had anything over, left
over from his lunch, a chunk of cheese or apiece of cornbread, he always used to give me
that and said, "Take that to your little sister."And he knew very well that probably I will
share that with the rest of the family.Bill: And Nat I have to believe that that became
even especially important when the arrangementthat your father had with those farmers had come
to an end as you described a little while ago.So when the farmers quit providing the food
because they were fearful of the risk, how didyour family then manage to get the food that you
needed to eat?Nat: Well from that point on, we still have some money and what we brought with us.
And we always thought, I always said to my mother, "Why don't we buy certain things?"
because there was
a big black market that you could buy things.And my mother always used to say, "We save that money for a rainy day."
And I was going to tell her, "Mom, it can't rain any harder than it's raining right now."
So, but nonetheless, whatever we were able to get, that's pretty much what we had.
Nat, life continued in this way,
um, that you've described for about seven monthsuntil June of 1943 when your family was no
longer able to remain together in Socola.Tell us what happened to your father.
Nat: In June of 1943 big posters were posted in the ghetto that every man between the ages of 18 and 50
must report to a certain spot in the center of the ghetto to be shipped for labor in a different area.
That night before he, my father was deported we couldn't sleep. We cried, you know.
That morning
when he was ready to leave the room, I asked himif I can walk with him to the area that
he was supposed to report, and he allowed me.While we were walking he said to me, "Nat,
things will get worse before they get betterbut don't ever give up." And repeated that, "Don't ever
give up." And I remember those words.We continued walking and when we got closer to the area that he was supposed to report he stopped and he said to me,
"Nat it's time for you to go back." At that point
he turned to me, put his hand on my shoulders, andhe said five words to me that I will remember the
rest of my life. He said, "Nat, take care of the girls."I could have said, "I'll try" or "I'll do my best."
Instead I said, "I'll take care of the girls, Papa, I will."I was not yet eight years old. You can't
imagine the weight of these five words thatI had to carry on my shoulders this entire period of time that my father was deported to a forced labor camp.
Bill: No, I truly, and I think
it's true of everybody who's listening to you,can't imagine that sense of responsibility that
you must have felt at that particular moment.Did you know where your father was
sent and what he was forced to do?Nat: Uh, we didn't know exactly where he was sent.
We only knew when he came back where he was.He was sent actually to a forced labor camp
between Moldova and Ukraine to lay the railroadtracks, new railroad tracks as you can see in
here. This is a photograph of individualslaying the railroad tracks and if you play it, you
see on the left-hand side in the ditch there's a armedsoldiers is watching over them. On
the right-hand side there's anotherindividual that also is watching the workers.
In front you have two horses and a wagon.In the front of the wagon, there's two individuals,
soldiers, ferrying a officer in the back probablytrying to find out how the works was continuing. We
also see in the right-hand side one individualsin the shirt with a sledgehammer, and what they did
at this point they were bringing in big bouldersand these individuals were cracking these boulders
into smaller pieces of rock. And then the smallerpieces of rock were later on broken up by smaller
pieces. These individuals were on their hands andknees breaking these rocks. Where these rocks were
put, in front on the bottom of the railroad tieswhere the railroad tracks would go on. So this
was very hard labor and these individuals wereworking 12 and 14 hour days, seven days a week
and a very limited amount of food. So a lot ofthese, uh, people in my father's group passed away,
died of starvation and exhaustion.Thank G-d my father was a strong individual
both mentally and physically, so he was able tosurvive this kind of a treatment, but this was
very harsh labor.Bill: For any of us who've ridden or walked on railroad tracks understanding how important having stability and the amount of
rock that it takes, can appreciate the
extraordinary amount of labor that that must have takento break up that rock to lay that
bed. Um, incredible amount of work. Did, while yourfather was away doing that, did your mother
hear from him? Did you know that he was alive?Nat: When he was there we didn't hear anything
from him until the war was over.We didn't know if he was alive or dead,
so we were just praying and hoping thateventually he's alive and eventually will be
reuniting with us.Nat, the war ended for you when the Soviet Army took
control of Iasi in the summer of 1944. What wasit like for you and your family leading up to
liberation, and what was that period of liberationlike for you when you knew that you were no longer
in this same kind of danger that you had been in?Nat: Well, to live through all this period of time,
especially from the time my father left inJune of 1943, it was very hard. You fall into
a situation where they call the surviving mode:you do robotic things normally, you try to survive
one day at the time. So all of a sudden we are herein July of 1944. The end of July the city
is starting to get bombed every night and thelonger it went into August, the city was bombed
again at night until approximately the middle ofAugust, towards the end of August, where the city
was bombed constantly for three days and thenthe bombs stopped and all of a sudden we realized
that the war is over for us at this point, and wewere liberated, and we were liberated by the, by the Russians.
Uh, things in Iasi didn't improve that muchbetter because at this point, you know, we had more
food but that's pretty much what it was was an end of it.Bill: Yeah.
Before you go on, I want to go
back to the bombardment. Here you're being bombedsporadically, then daily. Uh, just imagining
the terrifying experience of having bombs dropping around you.How did you find safety or refuge during that?
Nat: Some people remained in their homes, but very few.
The outskirts of the ghetto of Socola, there was ariver, the Bahlui River, and then between the Bahlui River
and the Socola area was open fields. So people wererunning to these open fields. They had trenches
dug up, and that's pretty much how we survived.In the trenches because the, the bombers
were looking primarily for buildingsto bomb, not open fields. So that's how most
of us were able to survive the bombardment.Bill: And you would, you would continue under the
Russians for a while longer before yourfather returned. When, when did your father return
from the forced labor that he had been enduring?Nat: Well during, once the Russians liberated
us, you know as I mentioned, we were able togo back to school. Uh, the Russians, once we were
under Russian rule, the communist rule, itwas still, they were still antisemitic. Uh, we went
back to school. We were ridiculed by the childrenthat we were older children and yet still
did not, still have to be in first and second grade.And eventually my father came back or
reunited with us in the spring of 1945.Bill: Tell us about this photo.
Nat: Yeah, here we have my mother on the left, my father as you can see very skinny, uh, because this is about
two months after he came back from this extremely harsh labor force. We had my older sister Sarah,
myself in the middle, and my little sister Lily. Now,
(clears throat)
when we went back to school under the
communist rule, the best children in classthe best ones were best in class, were able to
join the Pioneers, which is a communist youth group.My younger sister was the top of her class,
and she was never asked to join the Pioneersand neither was I. And that's because
we were Jews. So Jews pretty much were notallowed to participate in any form of being
part of the community, of the regular community.Bill: Nat, in that photo that we're just looking at,
you pointed out how skinny you said your fatherlooked. In fact when you look at the photo, he looks,
his face looks narrower than your own face whichwhich, says a whole lot, I think, about what he
endured. Did he talk much about what he experienced?Nat: He talked very little but almost, almost none.
From time to time, he spoke about various things.Uh, he spoke for instance, what makes
people do what they do? Why would a priest,who's supposed to be compassionate and
make sure that everything is okay with us, turnus into the authorities because we were Jews? And
why an old farmer risked his life and his life ofhis family to help us out? And we realized
one does it from the heart,and one does it for monetary reasons.
Nat: Eventually, my father was reunited
with us, and after we were reunited, he told me,"Nat, it's time for us to go back to the farm and
try to set everything up to bring the family back."And while we were walking to the farm he
said to me, "Let's stop at that old farmer andthank him officially for all his help with all
the extra food that he gave us." We stopped bythere and the old farmer was very happy to
see us, and he invited us to a meal. And afterthe meal was over, he asked us where we are going,
and we told him that we're going back to the farm.Then at that point he told us, "That farm no longer
belongs to you. That farm was divided into threesections. The priest received one-third of that
farm and the police officer received anotherthird of that farm." So what happened to the priest, now we know.
Bill: Yeah.
How long did it take you to get out of Romania
and finally be able to leave?Nat: We stayed in Romania until 1947. At that point, my father realized there's no longer a future for us in Romania, so
he tried to leave. The only place we were able
to leave at that point was Palestine. So we filed apetition for an exit visa for Palestine, and a few
months later they came back with a big stamp on it.Denied. We filed another petition, and another petition,
another one. So about three or four different times.And that took about four to five months
to get back the results, and the results werealways the same: denied. Until my mother was
able to bribe the chief of police of Iasi,and what she did, whatever money we
had left, whatever jewelry she had,she came to him and put everything on his desk and
said, "That's all we have. Please let us leave."And he said, "Come back a week later." And a week later
she came and we were able to get our exit visato Israel at that point. We arrived in Israel in
April of 1950, just about a week before Passover.(clears throat)
Bill: Wow. And...
Nat: And I...Go ahead.
Bill: No, go ahead, Nat. Please.
Nat: And I stayed there, you know, until later on and eventually made it after serving three years in the elite fighting unit in
the Israeli Army. I came to visit my uncle
in the States and I married here. I have 12grandchildren as you heard earlier. So it was
a big change from, from what we had in 1940.Bill: Nat, I have just, in the remaining time we
have, I have just one more question for you.In the face of rising global antisemitism,
please tell us why you continue to shareyour firsthand account of what you experienced
during the Holocaust.Nat: It's very important for people to hear firsthand testimony
as to what happened during the Holocaust
from a live person, a survivor, one who was there.
All the survivors are getting older and are dying.There are many survivors who no longer have
a voice because these individuals have theirfamilies murdered by the Nazis and they have no
voice. It is now our duty to speak for them and tomake, to make their voice heard by us telling their stories, what happened. And I hope these things never happen again.
Bill: Nat, I wish we had
more time. There's so much more you could share.Um, that sense of responsibility that you felt as
a little boy that you've described so eloquentlyis evident in you today as you are that voice
that you, that powerful voice that's neededand that you're offering to the world quite frankly. So thank you for being our First Person today.
Nat: Thank you very much for listening.
Transcript
Welcome. Thank you for joining us for First
Person: Conversations with Holocaust Survivors.
My name is Bill Benson. I have hosted the Museum's
First Person program since it began in 2000. Thank
you for joining us today. Through these monthly
conversations we bring you first-hand accounts
of survival of the Holocaust. Each of our First
Person guests serves as a volunteer at the Museum.
We are honored to have Holocaust survivor Nat Shaffir
share his personal account of the Holocaust with us.
Nat, welcome and thank you so much for agreeing
to be our First Person this month. Thank you.
Nat: Thank you, Bill. I'm honored to be here and share with
you some of my personal experiences as to
what happened to me and my family during the
Holocaust.
Bill: Nat, you have so much to share with us. We'll get started right away if you don't mind.
You were born in Romania in December 1936,
less than three years before the start of World
War II in September 1939. Please begin by telling
us about your family and your community in
the years leading up to the start of the war.
Nat: Both my parents were born in small villages
in eastern part of Hungary which is called
now Transylvania. My mother was the oldest of 12
children and my father was the youngest of seven.
In 1924, about a year after World War I ended, my
father and two of his older brothers decided to
leave home and move to Romania where they settled
in a farm community named Bucium and they started
a dairy farm. Before long they were very successful
because, due to the fact that the biggest customer
was the Romanian Army. He was the youngest of the
three brothers. He was not married, the other two
brothers were already married. So he decided it's
time for him to get married at a certain point,
and the most logical place to find a bride those
days was for someone to go back to a village one
came from. So in 1930 he went back to Hungary,
found a girl, married her about a week later.
He stayed in that village for
approximately another eight days
and then they boarded a train, uh, to go back to
Bucium to the, to the farm. Before long,
three children were born: two girls and a boy. My
older sister was married, was born in 1934.
I was born in 1936 and my younger sister which
I still call my little sister was born in 1938.
Bill: Tell us about this picture if you don't mind, Nat.
Nat: Here we have the picture of myself,
my sister, and my mother, and my aunt.
My sister, my mother is above me, uh, looks like I
was about two years old there. My mother and her
sister that was her next in line from the sister
she was the, the, uh, one year younger than my
sister was. Must have come to visit us at the farm.
And then below that is my younger sister, Sarah. So
she's in front of my Aunt Channah which by the way,
uh, perished in Auschwitz. What happened to her was
that she actually could have survived, but when
she came off from a train, from the cattle cars,
she saw a little baby sitting on the ground crying.
And she picked them up and she hold them in her
arms, and the Nazis thought that this was
her child, and she was moved from one section of
the selection process to the other and she was
immediately put to death, uh, in the gas chamber.
Bill: Thank you for sharing that with us, Nat.
Um, your other sister Lily, um, I believe
was born in what 1938?
Nat: Yes.
Bill: Yeah.
Nat, your, your
brother, your father and his two brothers operated this dairy farm. Tell us more about the farm.
Nat: Uh, it was a big farm a little bit, little bit grown and, uh, it was in a, probably they were the largest farm in that area at that point.
And my mother, my father was able to secure the Romanian Army as a, as a customer.
Now each individual brother dealt with a different portion of the
operation of the farm.
The older brothers dealt primarily with the milk production
and the cheese and the butter production.
My father was pretty much like the salesperson.
So all in all they, they were very successful.
Bill: And tell us more about the community of Bucium
itself, where your farm was located and, and
what was your parents' relationship like with, um,
Christian neighbors in that particular community?
Nat: Uh, the community in general was a small community
for about approximately 100 to 125 families. There were
approximately 25 Jewish families in that community.
My father dealt with the Gentile farmers the same
way as he dealt with the Jewish farmers. He
helped many of them anytime they needed help,
usually in droughts he always helped them with
some either money or giving them seed for next year's crop.
So the, the relationship was very, very good. Um, they,
they constantly, they knew that they could always
count on the Spitzer brothers.
So my father
always went out of his way to help anybody that needed help.
Bill: And if you don't mind, just tell us
a little bit more about your family at the time.
Were you a religious family?
Nat: Yeah, we were
religious as you can see, and from my father
wearing a black hat and having a beard. My mother
wearing a, what they called a sheitel, or wig,
because usually religious women do not show
their own hair. And obviously myself having a cap.
So yes, we were religious. There was a synagogue
there, and we practiced religion as we
normally would. Especially on those little
villages from where they came from, religion
was very important to them and they continued
that in that farm and Bucium farm area.
Bill: In 1940, Nat, a new Romanian dictatorship introduced
antisemitic policies restricting Jewish life in
Romania. The country aligned itself with Nazi Germany, joining the Axis Powers in November 1940.
Please tell us how this impacted Jewish life in Romania.
Nat: There were terrible things going on in Romania at certain times of the year.
Uh, the thing is, well, during the, during that period of time in a small village like Bucium we did not feel that problematic.
We did not feel that antisemitism. Uh, so we were able to continue operating the farm also because my father
was dealing with top echelon officers in the
Romanian Army, they pretty much put out the word:
stay away or stay off the Spitzer farm.
Leave them alone, let them operate.
Now that went on for a while and then after that, it was done.
They were completely open.
Bill: In fact in July 1941, Romanian authorities staged a pogrom which was a violent attack against the Jewish population,
in the nearby city of Iasi close to Bucium. Can you tell us more about this particular pogrom that took place in Iasi?
Nat: There were two instances. One was in June of 1941, uh,
where people were actually stopped on the streets.
And as you can see in here they've been searched,
taken away whatever valuables they had. Either they had watches or money with them,
and then later on probably clubbed to death. As you can see in here on the right-hand side,
there's three individual soldiers. Really the
middle one is not really a soldier, he's kind of
make-believe a soldier. He's in civilian
clothes with a cap of a soldier's with a
big stick. And a lot of people died on that
day. But 10,000 people were killed by neighbors
strictly for the purpose of because they were
Jews and also to take away whatever property
value they have. So that's pretty much what we
see in that picture is that people stopped on
the street and eventually probably most of
these people that were stopped at this day were killed.
Bill: And Nat, of course our next picture
is a particularly significant one. Please tell us about this.
Nat: This happened in July of 1941. It's
important to remember that the weather in Romania
is very cold in the winter and very hot in the
summer. So this happened in July of 1941 where
a trainload of Jews were loaded in Iasi and
were ferried to Calarasi to the south of Romania
for three days back and forth. Once it
arrived back after three days without
food or water in these cattle cars, uh, most
of the people in these trains were dead.
Bill: Did you, do you know if your family knew about what had taken place in Iasi at the time
because they were at the farm in Bucium?
Nat: We heard a little bit that was going on about the pogrom but we didn't know to what extent.
News were coming in very, kinda, I would say very slow. Uh, people that went into Iasi going to the market
would come back with some news or some rumors so we knew certain things, uh, are being done against Jews,
but we didn't know to what extent until later on we found out all these pogroms that happened and all these Jews that were
killed by neighbors, or by the, by the government.
Bill: Yeah.
And while that was happening in other parts of Romania and nearby in Iasi, were your fam, was your family
able to continue to operate the farm and do the business that they had been doing at that time?
Nat: They were doing the
business as long the same way. They did not go to Iasi down
there often anymore actually probably after, after July 1941
I don't think my father ever went back to Iasi. He probably would send somebody, one of the, uh, farm helps
to do, to buy feed or do whatever it needed to do with the farm.
So he didn't go back there so that was, that was
one of the things that we continued to operate the
farm, but we did not go back to Iasi at that point.
Nat before we go on,
uh, tell us a little bit about, you're a
little boy, what was farm life like for you?
Nat: Living on a farm or growing up on a farm was
terrific. I mean it's a, it's, it was a, it's a
open fields, animals. It was actually a
fantastic feeling. It was a primitive life, but
it was a good life. Most of the time I'd like
to hang out with the farm help, they taught me
all kinds of things. At age five they taught
me how to milk a cow, to ride a horse which
usually doesn't happen to city boys, city kids. So
life on that, in that farm for me was great.
I had some chores that I had to do but nonetheless was pleasant to do that. So for me it was a
great feeling to grow up on that farm. And I still
have farming, uh, things in my blood.
I still do a lot of gardening at this point as well.
Bill: Oh, in fact, if we had the time I would want to the audience to know about
your amazing green thumb that continues to this day.
Nat, in the fall of 1942, Jewish families from your community
from Bucium
were abruptly forced from their homes and told to
move to Socola, a neighborhood in Iasi. Tell us what
happened to you and your family when that happened.
Nat: One of our neighbors was the priest of the town.
That priest used to come by once a week to the
house and ask my father for a donation for the
church and also some dairy products for some of
his congregants who could not otherwise afford it.
By the time he, that happened my father was already
there for about 18 years. Never once in these
Until one day things have changed. The same
priest came by but this time he came with a
armed police officers and two armed soldiers.
This never happened before so we didn't know
why this whole group came together. We all came out
of the house and we went over to greet him. When we
came close to the group, the priest pointing at
us and looking at the police officer and he said,
"Astia Jidans (These are Jews)." Now we were turned into
the authorities for being Jewish by a priest,
the same priest who asked and received
help from my father every week for 18 years.
The police officer told us we have four hours to
vacate the farm because he has orders for us to
be relocated. My mother both, my father both tried
to convince the police officer perhaps they can
let us stay. My father told them, "Look, I've known
you since you were a child, I know your family."
My mother told them, "Look, this is our home, our
children were born here. Can't you just let us stay?"
And obviously he did not. So after four hours
what do you, what do you take? You have a house,
things that you managed to have. What do you take
in four hours? So the first thing we took,
we took whatever cash we have in the house, my
mother's jewelry. We took some prayer books, prayer bibles.
Bill: And this is one of them, right?
Nat: This is one of them. This is actually a haggada,
which we read on Passover time. And we also took
some candlesticks that my mother lit candles every
Friday night and every holiday. It's an important
story about these candlesticks. These candlesticks
were made in 1745 and was actually
given to my great-great-great grandmother
and she in return passed around to her older
daughter, and the older daughter passed it on
to the next older daughter so, and eventually got
to my mother, which she was the fifth generation,
and usually they always gave it to the older
daughter. And my mother broke that, uh, mold and
she gave it, these candlelight, candle sticks, to my,
to my wife which is her, uh, daughter-in-law. And my
wife in return gave those to my younger
daughter as a gift, as a wedding present.
And she is the one that actually keeps
it now, and she lights candles over them.
So these candle sticks are now seventh-generation
in the Spitzer family or they have whatever other,
uh, last names they have.
Bill: And as you noted,
they are almost 300 years old.
Nat: Yeah.
Bill: Yeah.
Nat, um, so you had four hours to gather whatever
you could take with you in that four-hour period.
How did you journey, how did you gather things and
take them with you to Socola, and what was that
journey like to this new community, new place that
you were being forced to go?
Nat: Well, when we heard the news that we have to vacate and, and relocate, we pretty much at that point knew where we were
going. So in addition to all the valuable things, we
also took important things that we needed: pillows,
blankets, cooking utensils, eating utensils. And
after the four hours were over, we were escorted
to the ghetto area that was developed in July
of 1941 right after the pogroms. Um, so once
we arrived there, uh, we were turned over to the
authorities.
Bill: Nat, if I can interrupt for just a second. Do you remember what that trip, that four-hour
period in that trip, was like for your parents?
Nat: Yeah, it was very sad. My mother was crying. The
uncertainty, we didn't know exactly what to expect.
That pretty much interpreted to us as
children we didn't know either. We saw my mother
crying, we knew we're not going to a happy place.
So things were pretty, pretty awful at that
point. It took about three hours to get from Bucium
to Iasi, and that was, that was one of the, the
worst times for us anyway at that point these
three hours. But terrible, uh, feelings about it.
Bill: So what did you, what did you arrive to in Socola?
What was, what were the conditions like for you?
Nat: Well when we arrived there we were turned over to the
authorities, uh, where our names, ages, and gender
were taken down on the list. We were given a
yellow star that we had to wear on our chest
at all times. We were given ration cards for bread
and for kerosene. As a living quarters we were
given one room in a house that already housed
four other families, so there was approximately
house. Terrible, noisy, there was a lot of chaos
in us when we arrived because on that day, a
lot of Jews were rounded up from the vicinity
from the small towns from the small villages of
Iasi and brought into the Socola area.
In addition to doing all these things, number one:
we were told what we can and cannot do.
Obviously, we were no longer allowed to go to school. We
were told that religion practices is outlawed.
Each individual person was given a job,
a manual job to do while they're there.
So things, things were very, a lot of it was
a chaos going on. People were crying, children
were screaming, so we didn't know what was going
on. So there was such a terrible feeling about it.
Bill: Once, once you were relocated and living in
that single room with 28 other people in the
small house, what was, what was daily life
like for you and your family in Socola?
You know, how did your parents manage to get the basic
necessities of life like food, clothing, and heat?
Nat: Well clothing, whatever we brought with us pretty
much last us for the entire period of time.
Once they tore, my mother was sewing them up and
keep wearing them. As far as food, we received
rations for bread. The ration card called for a
quarter of a loaf of bread per person every two days
and five liters of kerosene once a week that was
used for primarily for heating and for cooking.
To receive these rations, the
bread rations in particular,
one had to walk out of the ghetto area to line up
at the bakery. To do so, my mother, my father told
my older sister, who was two years older than me, to
go out and get the bread rations. So she'd line up
and receive the rations and come back. One day my
father found out that there were some hooligans
picking on Jewish girls and he was afraid
that something would happen to my sister.
So from that day on he sent me out
to get the rations. The same hooligans
that picked on Jewish girls also picked on Jewish boys.
Bill: Right.
Nat: Many times I would come home
all bloody-faced, beaten up. But that didn't hurt as
much as when these hooligans also stole my bread
which meant for the next two days, we had nothing
to eat. Until my mother realized that this could
happen again, so from that point on she started
rationing us from our own rations. In other words,
when we received the next ration of a loaf
and a quarter she removed one slice of bread.
Two days later she removed another slice, we had
two slices. Until she accumulated an entire loaf of bread.
And when these hooligans took my bread
again, at least we had something reserved to eat.
Bill: Unimaginable. Here you are, I think six,
you know, maybe verging on seven years old.
Your, your father and your, your, his
brothers had done business with
a lot of people from the community and
particularly with non-Jews at that time.
Did, did your parents receive any help from anyone
they knew once you were in the Socola ghetto?
Nat: As I mentioned, every individual between the ages
of 18 to 50 was assigned a manual job. My mother's
job was to, as an orderly at a hospital, to scrub
floors and clean toilets. My father's job was to
sweep the streets of Iasi and also on Thursdays
to clean the market area. These farmers
would come and sell their products, as you can see
here, with horses and oxen. So his job on Thursday
was to clean that market area. One day an old
farmer that my father helped a lot in the past
came over to him and he said, "I'm really sorry
to see you, that you have to clean after my horse.
Breaks my heart. Is there anything I can do for you?"
And my father said, "Some extra food will help a lot."
So he went back and says, "I'm going to go back and
see what can be done." The next week when he came
back to the market area he told my father
that he spoke to a few farmers in Bucium
and they're all willing to help. Keep in mind that
helping Jewish people at that time was against the
law and they could have been punished very harshly.
So he told my father that they got together and
they decided to help us and he said, "Here's how
we're going to do that." He said, "All the farmers
from the Bucium area get together in an open
field and leave at midnight in the caravan
to go to the, to the Iasi market. That caravan passes
the outskirts of the ghetto between two and three
o'clock in the morning." He says, "Be at a certain
spot and look out for the last three wagons of
that caravan, and then we'll throw something your
way because now we know where you're gonna be
hiding." Because he told them where to stay. The next
Thursday my father woke up, he didn't say a word to
my mother what he was planning to do. My mother was
the sensible person and she would have realized
that he's taking a chance to go on out to meet these
farmers, because anybody caught outside the ghetto between
two and three o'clock in the morning only
meant that this individual is trying to flee the
area and would have been harshly punished
either by imprisoned or probably even shot.
But he took the chance and go out to get
a little bit extra food for us to survive.
So that morning when he came back, he watched
out for the three last wagons, and an individual
threw a sack his direction. He waited until they
left, he looked around to make sure there's no
police around. He picked up that package and he
came back to the ghetto. That morning, he told us
what happened. My mother was furious with him that
he actually took, took such a risk with his life.
But when he opened the sack and he took out some
eggs and some cheese and some apples and they saw,
my mother saw the smile on our faces she mellowed,
and she said, "Well, it actually was worth it for
him to go." And from that point on, he used to go
out and meet the farmer every Thursday morning
and these farmers would always throw something
our way. And sometimes we would trade some of the
stuff or some of the things that we got from the
farmers on the black market because there was
active black market in the ghetto and so
we were trading one thing for the other and
so on. So that took a long time, uh, until one
day in May of 1943 the caravan never stopped
and it kept going. So my father
realized there's something wrong.
When he saw that farmer in the market again, the
farmer told him that he can no longer help us
because there was individuals who told the police
that some of the farmers are helping Jewish people,
and he was afraid for his family and he couldn't help us anymore. My father thanked him and he realized he
couldn't take a chance anymore, and that was the end of the extra, extra food that we got from the farmer.
Bill: And, and Nat it's important
to underscore what you said. That the risk, both
for your father and your family, as well as
for those farmers, was great for doing that.
Nat, you mentioned earlier that of course
practicing your religion was banned. You were
no longer allowed to do that. Did you still find
a way to practice your faith at all?
Nat: Uh yes, we practiced our faith in secret. We were meeting sometimes in different rooms from different houses,
to make sure that the, if policemen
would follow us, we wouldn't, they wouldn't know where
we had, where we hold our next meeting. Uh, but this
was, that was a problem for, for a lot, for a lot of
us to practice, to practice religion especially
in the high holidays in particular.
Also was very important for us that we could no
longer go to school.
Bill: Right.
Nat: And my mother was very much a fan of the children being educated.
So there was an old rabbi in the ghetto with his wife, and she
kind of hired him to teach us religious studies
and hired his wife to teach us secular
studies. And for that at least we got some, some
kind of education.
You know we think of, you know, just a little boy
trying to have a normal life. What was it like for you as you recall?
Nat: Well first of all, this little boy no longer had a, a child, childhood. Childhood was taken away from me.
Things for what we did was pretty much try to do whatever we needed to do. Stay in line to get our bread rations,
stay in line to get our kerosene rations, and kind of be in a
mode, a survival mode, to survive one day at a time.
Bill: And along those lines Nat, you, you have a really
important story to tell us about standing in line
for that kerosene ration. Tell us about that.
Nat: Uh, originally my father told me to get the kerosene rations and told my sister to get the bread rations because kerosene
was a little heavier to bring home. The kerosene rations was
for five liters of kerosene, which those who do
not know the metric system, it's approximately 1.3
gallons that would have to last us for the entire
week. So to receive these rations we had to walk
out again outside the ghetto and line up early
in the morning. And we started to line up after 5am. The attendant that gave us this, these rations,
used to come sometimes between seven and seven
thirty, and the way they distribute that
is, was like pretty much like today we have
this, uh, gasoline stations and a booth that the
attendant would be in it. Uh, so he would, there was
a line in front of this booth and he would
motion five people from that line that lined
up to come forward. He would remove the ration,
the ration coupons from that ration card, and pump
up the kerosene. The way it was done was not like
today: you press a button and you get all the
gasoline. There was a handle in front of a box
and when you move the handle back and forth, that
would bring up the kerosene into a cylinder.
When the cylinder was full this was the five gallons,
and then he would put it down and let it go,
put it into a can. So one day when I was waiting
in line, I decided to approach this individual.
His name was Gregory. I approached him and I
said, "Domino Gregory, I would like to help you."
I specifically called him by the title
"Domino." "Domino" is really reserved for somebody
very intelligent, a person with power, but he
was kind of uneducated and a lazy person.
So I said to him, "Domino Gregory, I'd like to help you." And he's asking,
"How are you going to help me, you little Jidan?" You little Jew.
I said, "Well I see you might be sick. Perhaps you
let me do your work for you and for that, if it
pleases you, give me a little bit of extra kerosene
because I have a little sister at home. She's sick
and a little bit extra warmth will help us a lot."
He didn't say anything. The next week when he came
back, he looked around the line where we were all
lined up. When he saw me, he motioned for me to come
forward. I came forward and then he said to me, "Okay
little Jidan, let me see what you can do."
And it was not a big deal for a seven-year-old to move that
handle back and forth. So I did remove, gave him the
the ration cards, he removed the coupons, and I
did the filling of the kerosene.
And that day after the, my day was, job was over, he didn't
do, he didn't give me anything. But he told me,
"Next time you don't have to wait in line but just
come to the booth and wait for me here."
Which I did, and I did his service. I did his work, his job
that particular day. Didn't get anything in return.
For three weeks he never gave me anything. Finally
he said to me, "Little Jidan, next week bring an extra can."
And from that point on, he used to
give me an extra liter, a liter and a half.
It depends how drunk he was. Sometimes he's giving me
twice so, which you know worked out okay for me.
But then little by little we developed a little
friendship between Domino Gregory and myself
and sometimes when he had anything over, left
over from his lunch, a chunk of cheese or a
piece of cornbread, he always used to give me
that and said, "Take that to your little sister."
And he knew very well that probably I will
share that with the rest of the family.
Bill: And Nat I have to believe that that became
even especially important when the arrangement
that your father had with those farmers had come
to an end as you described a little while ago.
So when the farmers quit providing the food
because they were fearful of the risk, how did
your family then manage to get the food that you
needed to eat?
Nat: Well from that point on, we still have some money and what we brought with us.
And we always thought, I always said to my mother, "Why don't we buy certain things?"
because there was
a big black market that you could buy things.
And my mother always used to say, "We save that money for a rainy day."
And I was going to tell her, "Mom, it can't rain any harder than it's raining right now."
So, but nonetheless, whatever we were able to get, that's pretty much what we had.
Nat, life continued in this way,
um, that you've described for about seven months
until June of 1943 when your family was no
longer able to remain together in Socola.
Tell us what happened to your father.
Nat: In June of 1943 big posters were posted in the ghetto that every man between the ages of 18 and 50
must report to a certain spot in the center of the ghetto to be shipped for labor in a different area.
That night before he, my father was deported we couldn't sleep. We cried, you know.
That morning
when he was ready to leave the room, I asked him
if I can walk with him to the area that
he was supposed to report, and he allowed me.
While we were walking he said to me, "Nat,
things will get worse before they get better
but don't ever give up." And repeated that, "Don't ever
give up." And I remember those words.
We continued walking and when we got closer to the area that he was supposed to report he stopped and he said to me,
"Nat it's time for you to go back." At that point
he turned to me, put his hand on my shoulders, and
he said five words to me that I will remember the
rest of my life. He said, "Nat, take care of the girls."
I could have said, "I'll try" or "I'll do my best."
Instead I said, "I'll take care of the girls, Papa, I will."
I was not yet eight years old. You can't
imagine the weight of these five words that
I had to carry on my shoulders this entire period of time that my father was deported to a forced labor camp.
Bill: No, I truly, and I think
it's true of everybody who's listening to you,
can't imagine that sense of responsibility that
you must have felt at that particular moment.
Did you know where your father was
sent and what he was forced to do?
Nat: Uh, we didn't know exactly where he was sent.
We only knew when he came back where he was.
He was sent actually to a forced labor camp
between Moldova and Ukraine to lay the railroad
tracks, new railroad tracks as you can see in
here. This is a photograph of individuals
laying the railroad tracks and if you play it, you
see on the left-hand side in the ditch there's a armed
soldiers is watching over them. On
the right-hand side there's another
individual that also is watching the workers.
In front you have two horses and a wagon.
In the front of the wagon, there's two individuals,
soldiers, ferrying a officer in the back probably
trying to find out how the works was continuing. We
also see in the right-hand side one individuals
in the shirt with a sledgehammer, and what they did
at this point they were bringing in big boulders
and these individuals were cracking these boulders
into smaller pieces of rock. And then the smaller
pieces of rock were later on broken up by smaller
pieces. These individuals were on their hands and
knees breaking these rocks. Where these rocks were
put, in front on the bottom of the railroad ties
where the railroad tracks would go on. So this
was very hard labor and these individuals were
working 12 and 14 hour days, seven days a week
and a very limited amount of food. So a lot of
these, uh, people in my father's group passed away,
died of starvation and exhaustion.
Thank G-d my father was a strong individual
both mentally and physically, so he was able to
survive this kind of a treatment, but this was
very harsh labor.
Bill: For any of us who've ridden or walked on railroad tracks understanding how important having stability and the amount of
rock that it takes, can appreciate the
extraordinary amount of labor that that must have taken
to break up that rock to lay that
bed. Um, incredible amount of work. Did, while your
father was away doing that, did your mother
hear from him? Did you know that he was alive?
Nat: When he was there we didn't hear anything
from him until the war was over.
We didn't know if he was alive or dead,
so we were just praying and hoping that
eventually he's alive and eventually will be
reuniting with us.
Nat, the war ended for you when the Soviet Army took
control of Iasi in the summer of 1944. What was
it like for you and your family leading up to
liberation, and what was that period of liberation
like for you when you knew that you were no longer
in this same kind of danger that you had been in?
Nat: Well, to live through all this period of time,
especially from the time my father left in
June of 1943, it was very hard. You fall into
a situation where they call the surviving mode:
you do robotic things normally, you try to survive
one day at the time. So all of a sudden we are here
in July of 1944. The end of July the city
is starting to get bombed every night and the
longer it went into August, the city was bombed
again at night until approximately the middle of
August, towards the end of August, where the city
was bombed constantly for three days and then
the bombs stopped and all of a sudden we realized
that the war is over for us at this point, and we
were liberated, and we were liberated by the, by the Russians.
Uh, things in Iasi didn't improve that much
better because at this point, you know, we had more
food but that's pretty much what it was was an end of it.
Bill: Yeah.
Before you go on, I want to go
back to the bombardment. Here you're being bombed
sporadically, then daily. Uh, just imagining
the terrifying experience of having bombs dropping around you.
How did you find safety or refuge during that?
Nat: Some people remained in their homes, but very few.
The outskirts of the ghetto of Socola, there was a
river, the Bahlui River, and then between the Bahlui River
and the Socola area was open fields. So people were
running to these open fields. They had trenches
dug up, and that's pretty much how we survived.
In the trenches because the, the bombers
were looking primarily for buildings
to bomb, not open fields. So that's how most
of us were able to survive the bombardment.
Bill: And you would, you would continue under the
Russians for a while longer before your
father returned. When, when did your father return
from the forced labor that he had been enduring?
Nat: Well during, once the Russians liberated
us, you know as I mentioned, we were able to
go back to school. Uh, the Russians, once we were
under Russian rule, the communist rule, it
was still, they were still antisemitic. Uh, we went
back to school. We were ridiculed by the children
that we were older children and yet still
did not, still have to be in first and second grade.
And eventually my father came back or
reunited with us in the spring of 1945.
Bill: Tell us about this photo.
Nat: Yeah, here we have my mother on the left, my father as you can see very skinny, uh, because this is about
two months after he came back from this extremely harsh labor force. We had my older sister Sarah,
myself in the middle, and my little sister Lily. Now,
(clears throat)
when we went back to school under the
communist rule, the best children in class
the best ones were best in class, were able to
join the Pioneers, which is a communist youth group.
My younger sister was the top of her class,
and she was never asked to join the Pioneers
and neither was I. And that's because
we were Jews. So Jews pretty much were not
allowed to participate in any form of being
part of the community, of the regular community.
Bill: Nat, in that photo that we're just looking at,
you pointed out how skinny you said your father
looked. In fact when you look at the photo, he looks,
his face looks narrower than your own face which
which, says a whole lot, I think, about what he
endured. Did he talk much about what he experienced?
Nat: He talked very little but almost, almost none.
From time to time, he spoke about various things.
Uh, he spoke for instance, what makes
people do what they do? Why would a priest,
who's supposed to be compassionate and
make sure that everything is okay with us, turn
us into the authorities because we were Jews? And
why an old farmer risked his life and his life of
his family to help us out? And we realized
one does it from the heart,
and one does it for monetary reasons.
Nat: Eventually, my father was reunited
with us, and after we were reunited, he told me,
"Nat, it's time for us to go back to the farm and
try to set everything up to bring the family back."
And while we were walking to the farm he
said to me, "Let's stop at that old farmer and
thank him officially for all his help with all
the extra food that he gave us." We stopped by
there and the old farmer was very happy to
see us, and he invited us to a meal. And after
the meal was over, he asked us where we are going,
and we told him that we're going back to the farm.
Then at that point he told us, "That farm no longer
belongs to you. That farm was divided into three
sections. The priest received one-third of that
farm and the police officer received another
third of that farm." So what happened to the priest, now we know.
Bill: Yeah.
How long did it take you to get out of Romania
and finally be able to leave?
Nat: We stayed in Romania until 1947. At that point, my father realized there's no longer a future for us in Romania, so
he tried to leave. The only place we were able
to leave at that point was Palestine. So we filed a
petition for an exit visa for Palestine, and a few
months later they came back with a big stamp on it.
Denied. We filed another petition, and another petition,
another one. So about three or four different times.
And that took about four to five months
to get back the results, and the results were
always the same: denied. Until my mother was
able to bribe the chief of police of Iasi,
and what she did, whatever money we
had left, whatever jewelry she had,
she came to him and put everything on his desk and
said, "That's all we have. Please let us leave."
And he said, "Come back a week later." And a week later
she came and we were able to get our exit visa
to Israel at that point. We arrived in Israel in
April of 1950, just about a week before Passover.
(clears throat)
Bill: Wow. And...
Nat: And I...Go ahead.
Bill: No, go ahead, Nat. Please.
Nat: And I stayed there, you know, until later on and eventually made it after serving three years in the elite fighting unit in
the Israeli Army. I came to visit my uncle
in the States and I married here. I have 12
grandchildren as you heard earlier. So it was
a big change from, from what we had in 1940.
Bill: Nat, I have just, in the remaining time we
have, I have just one more question for you.
In the face of rising global antisemitism,
please tell us why you continue to share
your firsthand account of what you experienced
during the Holocaust.
Nat: It's very important for people to hear firsthand testimony
as to what happened during the Holocaust
from a live person, a survivor, one who was there.
All the survivors are getting older and are dying.
There are many survivors who no longer have
a voice because these individuals have their
families murdered by the Nazis and they have no
voice. It is now our duty to speak for them and to
make, to make their voice heard by us telling their stories, what happened. And I hope these things never happen again.
Bill: Nat, I wish we had
more time. There's so much more you could share.
Um, that sense of responsibility that you felt as
a little boy that you've described so eloquently
is evident in you today as you are that voice
that you, that powerful voice that's needed
and that you're offering to the world quite frankly. So thank you for being our First Person today.
Nat: Thank you very much for listening.
This conversation has been edited in length for educational and classroom use. View the full First Person: Conversations with Holocaust Survivors program here.